Balkaria and Karachai in xv -xvýý centuries

by Ismail M. Miziyev

The Kabardin population of Fore-Caucasus
The relations between Balkaria and Kabarda
The relations between Karachai-Balkaria and Georgia
Balkaria and Karachai in the system of Russian-Caucasian relations
BALKARIA AND KARACHAI IN XVIII BEG. OF XIX CENTURY
Balkarians and Karachais as described by the travelers and scientists of XVIII century
From the history of the social structure of Karachai-Balkarian society
Töre, the national institute of self-government
The social institutes of the common law

Despite massacres and genocide from Mongols and Timur's troops in XIIIXIV centuries, Balkaria and Karachai appear on the historical scene in XV century as well-formed, original and independent ethnocultural area of Caucasus on the edge of state-formation stage, with a wide-spread possessions of national aristocracy, with military units subordinated to the supreme ruler, Oli (Vali), with the national court Töre subject to him realizing control over all aspects of everyday life and military matters, establishing and institutionalizing national customs and traditions, specifying and realizing the ways of punishment and encouragement and so on.
The first written indication of that was the inscription on the golden Tskhovati cross dated by XIVXV century, which tells how one of Georgian eristavis (princes) was taken in captivity in Basiani (the Georgian name of Balkaria) and was ransomed on the money of Tskhovati church.
The Southern frontiers of Balkaria and Karachai were protected by a natural barrier of Caucasian ridge. Much less strong were the northern boundaries facing the valleys and steppes of Fore-Caucasus.

The Kabardin population of Fore-Caucasus

The campaigns of Mongols and Timur made the northern boundaries of the ethnic territory of Balkarians and Karachais even weaker. Seizing the opportunity after the tragic events in Central Caucasus in XVXVI centuries, the greatest and most mobile part of Adyg tribes, Kabardins, began rapidly spread over all the Central For-Caucasus, up to river Sunja. But soon, as a result of the return of Vainakh tribes, the ancestors of Ingush and Chechens, from the mountains to the plain, to their former lands, the possibilities of Kabardin population on the banks of Sunja were considerably reduced, and their Eastern boundaries were pushed to the Mozdok steppes.
Here is what Kabardin scientists of XIX century wrote: "According to the traditional tales, Kabardins met Tatar (Balkarian -- aut.) settlements in the new country, moved them to the steppes or locked in the mountain canyons, occupying their place Only one conclusion can be derived with certainty from all the diverse tales: Kabardins were not the original inhabitants of Kabarda, moving there from elsewhere To all appearances, Kabardins did not come to this territory until XV century, or the beginning of XVI century." (V. N. Kudashev "Historical data about Kabardin people", Kiev, 1913, pp. 610).

The relations between Balkaria and Kabarda

The history of mutual relations between Kabarda and Balkaria does not know a single anything serious ethnic collision or war. There never were any boundaries between them, in the present sense of the word. The boundaries were determined by peaceful communications and were completely transparent. Kabardins and Balkarians could moved through both Kabarda and Balkaria without obstacle. People's relations were peaceful and friendly, which lead to numerous cases of consanguinity, interethnic marriages. Such marriages occurred not only between aristocratic families, but also among simple people. As a result of these contacts, many Balkarian names appeared in Kabarda, such as Kushhov, Balkarov, Kelemetov etc., as well as such names in Balkaria as Cherkessov, Kabardokov and others.
Any contradictions between Balkaria and Kabarda, or between individuals and families, were resolved, by mutual consent, by the council of the elders within the common right of Balkarians and Kabardins. Often people found shelter at the neighboring country, Balkaria or Kabarda, when there were personal or communal dissension inside Kabarda or Balkaria respectively. Sometimes, there were conflicts between particular families of Balkaria and Kabarda, but it never came to wars.
Numerous peaceful and friendly relations grew between separate families and kins. Thus, such tight contacts established between Abayevs and Kaitukins, Atajukins and Balkarukovs, Urusbiyevs and others. There was a Caucasian habit among the peacefully coexisting peoples to give their children in education (atalik) to their closest friends. Thus, for example, it is known, that, in 1747, Balkarian prince Azamat Abayev was "emchek" (foster-brother) of a prince from Great Kabarda Kasai Atajukin. The documents show that, in 1768, Balkarian prince Muhammat Biyev similarly was a foster-brother of Kabardin prince Kazy Kaisanov. The century-old peaceful relations also influenced the development of the economy in Balkaria and Kabarda. Kabardins were free to graze their herds in Balkaria, to get the products of mining from there, as well as wood and stone for construction, fur and skins of wild animals. During too cold years, Balkarians used to rent winter pastures and camps in Kabarda. Some scientists try to present these rent relations as political and economic dependence of Balkaria on Kabarda. Such attempts have no ground under them, being based on the superficial sights of the travelers of XIX century, who could not and did not want to consider the actual nature of rent relations between Kabardins and Balkarians. If Balkarians paid certain price for using the winter pastures, can it really be called a tribute or dependence? Such things must be well discriminated, when it comes to the relations between two peoples.
Mutual relations between Balkaria and Kabarda significantly promoted the development of the economy of the both countries. Buying bread and salt in Kabarda, Balkaria made up its natural deficiencies; Kabarda served as an intermediary between Balkaria and Russian market, where various fabrics, household articles, decorations, industrial products and other things were purchased.

The relations between Karachai-Balkaria and Georgia

Established already in medieval time, the relations with Georgia strengthened and extended with every century. In the same time, consanguinity became deeper, starting from the old marriage of queen Tamar with the son of an As princess and Kiev prince, Andrey Bogolyubsky. However, it should be indicated that that these relations were not always that easy, as a vivid example of the abovementioned Tskhovati cross shows.
Balkarians and Karachais had the most close contacts with the Georgian Kingdom of Imereti, with Mingrelia and Svanetia. Several patronymic branches of Karachai-Balkarians take their origin from Svanetia: Otarovs, Rakhayevs, Ebseyevs and others. Balkarians and Karachais gathered on the weekly markets in the cities Rachi and Oni, selling there various things made of wool and leather, the products of cattle breeding (oil, cheese, meat etc.).
Balkarians and Karachais served as a link in the relations of Georgia and Russia in XVII century.
Balkaria and Karachai in the system of Russian-Caucasian relations. The development of contacts with Georgia
In XVIXVII centuries and later, Russia conducted its policy in respect to Caucasian peoples and states through Kabarda, which, at that time, occupied the most important, strategic, central part of Northern Caucasus. Kabardin princes well knew how to use this situation and got any encouragement from Russia, receiving honors, ranks and money for their support of Russian policy in Caucasus.
However, for successful promoting its contacts with Transcaucasus, and with Georgia first of all, Russia had to establish relations with Balkaria, which was then a quite consolidated political force called "Besh tau el", i. e. "Five mountain peoples", each of them having its own supreme authority in the form of a national assembly, Töre. Every one of these minor Töre was subordinated to the common uniform supreme Balkarian Töre headed by the supreme ruler, Oli.
The name Balkarian was for the first time mentioned in Russian documents in 1629 year. In January of that year, Terek voivode I. A. Dashkov informed Moscow that there are the deposits of silver ore in the land of "Balkars", and that this land belonged to the sons of the sister of Kabardin prince Pshimakho Kambulatovich Cherkassky. This document confirms the old kinship relations of Balkarians, Karachais and Kabardins: Pshimakho's sister was married to a Balkarian leader. The land of "Balkars" belonged to her sons Apshi and Abdullah (their family name Tazrekov was sometimes mentioned, but it is difficult to judge whether this information is right--aut.).
In 1636, King of Imereti Levan II sent an embassy to the Russian court, and the ambassadors of Moscow Pavel Zakhariev and Fedot Bazhenov went to Imereti in 1639, in return. Such embassies usually had the official letters from the Russian Tsar to the Balkarian leaders, whose lands the ambassadors had to pass. Such letters were also given to Kabardin and other princes, which speaks about the independence of Balkarian rulers in the international relations in Caucasus and with Russia.
Having produced their official letters, Elchin, Zakhariev and Bazhenov spent 15 days in the hospitable family of Karachai princes from the Krimshaukhalov family, the young brothers of Kamgut, Elbuzduk and Giliaksan, who lived near modern city Tirnihauz in the Baksan canyon in aul El-Jurt. The mausoleum of Kamgut and the tower of his wife Goshayah-biyche have been found there. From here, Russian ambassadors went to Svanetia and further to the King of Imereti. The next embassy of Russian Tsar went to Georgia in 1651, through Upper Balkaria, by river Sukan-su and further. Ambassadors N. S. Tolochanov and A. I. Iyevlev were hospitably met and supplied with food, pack animals and guides by Balkarian prince Artutai Aidabolov, whose ancestors were mentioned in the document of 1629.
In one more document dated by 1653, it is told how the King of Imereti Alexander invited Russian ambassadors Zhidovinov and Poroshin to see "how he will christen Zhenbulat, the son of Balkarian ruler Aidarbolov" (Aidabolov--aut.). By the way, Christianity penetrated Balkaria from Georgia yet in XII century, which is illustrated by the ruins of a church near village Hulam, where Christian frescos have been found on the walls.
In 1658, an embassy headed by Georgian king Taimuraz went to Moscow for establishing Russian-Georgian relations. Taimuraz' way ran through Balkaria, where a Balkarian delegation headed by abovementioned prince Artutai Aidabolov joined them. He was hospitably received in Moscow and given a gift of 40 sables, like Taimuraz. Artutai stayed in Moscow for about a year.
35 years later, Imeretian king in disgrace Archil made his way to Moscow. Just having left Balkaria and entered the plains, he was attacked by the detachments of Tark shamkhal Budai and the prince of Kabarda Minor Kulchuk Kelembetov on the road to fortress Terki. In the complicated international situation of that time, Budai preferred the Persians, while Kulchuk stuck to the Crimean orientation. They both wanted to give Archil away to their own patron. Archil was in Kulchuk's captivity from September to November 1693. But, as the documents tell, "the beauty of Archil and his courage made such an impression on the wife of Kulchuk, that she supplied him the means of escape one night, and he ran to Basian, and his people went to Digoria". On November 28, 1693, Russian administration in Astrakhan was informed that Archil had been in captivity and then found a refuge in "the country of Balkars near the source of Malka". In his letter of April 15, 1694, Archil wrote to Terki voivode "that he was in Balkar, and that he needed to be taken from there". In the letter of May 20, 1696, Archil described in detail to the Great Heirs of Russian Autocracy Iohannes Alexeyevich and Peter Alexeyevich all what he went through. Archil was taken from Balkaria in September.
Since the second half of XVII century, information about Balkarians and Karachais get into written sources more often. Among the authors who wrote about them, one should mention Archangello Lamberti (1654), Nicolai Witsen (1692), Engelbert Kempfer (16511716), Henri de La Motrais(1) (16741743) and many others. Even more information about Karachais and Balkarians is provided by the documents of XVIIIXIX centuries.

Balkaria and Karachai in XVIII beg. of XIX century

Balkarians and Karachais as described by the travelers and scientists of XVIII century

A 1711 year, going from Taman through Cherkess lands, French traveler Henri de La Motrais reached a wide river "Kara Kuban", also called by the guides "Great River", i. e. "Ullu-kam", which coincides with the Karachai name of Kuban at its source. By the words of the traveler, the local inhabitants in Tatar language, baked bread in ashes, ate horse-flesh, drank koumiss and airan. It is quite clear, that Karachais tare meant in this description. In 1736 and 1743, Kizliar noble man Alexey Tuzov visited Upper Chegem. Near to settlement, in one of the caves to which a rock ladder "Bitikle" lead, he saw "8 books kept in the chests, written on parchment, in Greek language". One of them appeared a Gospel of XV century. Their remainders were later mentioned by Yu. Klaprot. The communities of "Chegem", "Karachai", "Malkar" and others were also mentioned in the documents of 1747, 1753, 1757, 1760.
In 17791783, Jacob Reineggs, who identified Digors with Bulgarians-Utigors, traveled in Caucasus and found the "Orubiy" community in the Baksan canyon. In 17931794, Balkarians were mentioned in the notes of academician P. S. Pallas and Yan Pototsky.
In 1773, academician I. Güldenstedt left a detailed description of settlements, customs, customs, economy and household of Balkaria. In 1802, academician Yu. Klaprot described them too. The works of these academicians have not lost their value as original sources of information on the history, culture and economy of Balkaria and Karachai until now.
The interesting information about Balkarians and Karachais was left by Hungarian traveler Janos Karoi Besse. In 1829, he was invited by the general Emanuel to accompany him in his expedition on Elbrus. From his observations, Besse concluded about a close kinship of Digors, Balkarians, Karachais and Hungarians. He wrote, that "no other nation is so resembling Hungarians as Karachais and Digors". In this respect, his observations completely coincide with the genealogical legends of Balkarians, Karachais and Digors about their originating from the same kin, from brothers and cousins Basiat, Badinat and Karachai princess Krimshaukhalov.
In 1745, leading historian and geographer of Georgia prince Vakhushti described the boundaries of Basiani (Balkaria) as follows: in the East, it was bounded by a mountain separating it from Digoria; in the South, it bordered on Svanetia; in the North, it adjoined Cherkessia; in the West, it was bounded by a mountain laying between Svanetia and Caucasus (he said "Caucasus" referring to almost all the mountains of Central Caucasus). Basiani, he wrote, was a country well regulated, with settlements and "population more noble than other ovs; there are landlords and serfs". The main river of Basiani, he continues, flows down to Cherkessia, and then into river Terek. Thus, along with describing the boundaries of Balkaria, Vakhushti fixed the fact that river Terek and its tributaries, leaving the mountains, merge on the territory of Kabarda. The same circumstance was mentioned in 18371839, by Adyg scientist Khan-Girey, who stressed that river Terek passed the land of Adyg-Kabardins "on its leaving the mountains"
(These boundaries are also confirmed by Kabardin archeological monuments, found exclusively in the plain and foothills. A. P. Ermolov built the Caucasian line of defense exactly along this line: Kamennomost, Baksan, Nalchik, Urukh and further).
By the data available, Russian-Balkarian relations established since the 50s of XVI century. Thus, in the documents of 1558, 1586, 1587 and 1588, Kabardin and Georgian embassies in Moscow are repeatedly mentioned to include interpreters, tolmachs ("tilmanch" means interpreter in Karachai-Balkarian), like "Kabardin Cherkess", "Georgian Cherkess", "Mountain Cherkess", which could be identified, according to the sources, with the representatives of the "Five mountain peoples", i. e. the inhabitants of Balkaria and Karachai. In the literature on Caucasus science, it has been established since long ago that by the names "Mountain Cherkess", "Mountain Tatars" refers to Balkarians and Karachais.
Our conclusion that Russian-Karachai-Balkarian relations have their roots yet in XVI century is also confirmed by the fact that, already in 1590, the full title of Russian Tsar included the words: "the sovereign of Iverian lands of Kartalin and Georgian kings and Kabardin lands of Cherkess and Mountain princes"
In 1558, the staff of the embassy of Temrük Idarovs's children Saltan and Mamctrük included some Bulgaryi-murza, who is not known neither among the children of Temrük, nor in the genealogical books of Kabardin princes. Moreover, he was received in Moscow in a rather peculiar way. While Saltan was baptized and awarded an estate and other honors, Bulgaryi-murza was told that the same honors would be given to him too if he behaved as Tsar expected. Such attitude to this murza suggests the thought that it was not a representative of Kabardin princes, but rather one of Balkarian princes, of the Balkarukov family.
Russia, Balkaria and Karachai begin to intensively seek for mutually advantageous contacts in the period of energetic activity of Crimean khan in Caucasus. An invaluable testimony of such activity is provided by an inscription on a boundary stone plate dated by 1709. It says: "A territorial controversy occurred between Kabardins, Crimeans and Five mountain peoples. The Five mountain peoples are: Balkar, Bezengi, Kholam, Chegem, Baksan. Mountain peoples elected Aslanbek Katukov, Kabardins elected Zhabagi Kazaniyev, Crimeans elected Bayan Sarsanov, and they have made a Töre (council--aut.) and decided: from the Tatar-tup country to Terek, therefrom to the Koban plain, therefrom to the pass of Lesken ridge, therefrom to the Narechie hill, therefrom to Zhambash and to Malka(2). The upper part belongs to the Five mountain communities. From Tash-Kalasi (stanitsa Vorontsovskaya--aut.) to Tatar-tup are the Crimean possessions.

From Tash-Kalasi downwards are the possessions of Russians"

The further development of Russian-Balkarian relations resulted in that Balkarians, the neighbors of Digorians, together with the representatives of 47 Digorian settlements, adopted the citizenship of Russia in 1781. It is interesting to note that Digorians did not adopt Russian citizenship together with the rest of Ossetians in 1774, but rather with their close relatives Balkarians. Probably, the consanguinity of Digorians and Karachai-Balkarians has played its role; Digorians often asked Balkarian Töre for the solution of their important problems.
However, not all the Balkarians became Russian citizens then. That is why some Balkarian canyon, as the free areas, provided refuge for many Kabardin and other groups not agreeing with the policy of Tsarist Russia in Northern Caucasus, during the massacres of A. P. Ermolov, the commander of the Caucasian line. General Ermolov strictly forbade the disobedient rebels to escape and to settle in Balkaria and Karachai, which were not controlled by Russia. In order to subdue these countries and defeat the groups escaping from Ermolov, many settlements in Balkaria and Karachai were burned to ashes, after having been ruthlessly ransacked. Ermolov noted that he had many times to climb on his fours to make his way through the rocks in the upper reaches of rivers Chegem, Baksan and Kuban. All this did not allow Russia to conduct an active colonial policy, since Crimean khan could strengthen his influence in free Balkaria and Karachai. Finally, the intensive propaganda of Russian force and power produced its effect: on January 11, 1827, a Balkarian-Digorian delegation arrived to Stavropol, one representative from every prince family. This mission asked to give them the citizenship of Russia. In January 1827, the commander-in-chief of Tsar troops in Northern Caucasus general Emanuel year accepted the oath of Balkarian and Digorian taubis, reporting about it to Tsar Nicolas I.
By that time, Karachais, assured in the inaccessibility of their canyons and the support if Crimean khans, were a serious danger for the Russian troops on Kuban, being a mass of rebellious tribes. Therefore, the main attention of Emanuel was directed there. On October 20, 1828, he undertook a special military campaign against Karachai. The 12-hour desperate battle of Karachais (from 7 AM till 7 PM) finished with the victory of Russian army. General Emanuel made an urgent report to Nicolas I, saying: "the Phermopiles of Northern Caucasus have been seized by our troops, and the Karachai stronghold for all the rebellious tribes at the soles of Elbrus has been destroyed".
By the data of Emanuel, Russian army has lost in this battle 1 senior officer, 3 corporals and 32 privates killed, and colonel Verzilin, 3 senior officers, 30 corporals and 103 men wounded.
On October 21, in the central aul of Karachai Kart-Jurt, the Supreme Ruler of Karachai Oli (vali) Islam Krimshaukhalov and the representatives of three leading Karachai kins have signed the oath of fidelity to Russia. Thus the process of the assimilation of Balkaria and Karachai by Russia has completed.
From the history of the social structure of Karachai-Balkarian society
An important place in the history of economic and cultural development, as well as the relations with the neighboring peoples and countries, is occupied by the social organization of the people studied. In some cases, as in the case of Karachais and Balkarians, the lack of written sources about that important aspect of life makes mainly the judgment by the data of archeology, ethnography, folklore and other adjacent scientific disciplines possible.
The archeological and ethnographic study of Karachai-Balkarian settlements allows to conclude that monogenic (one-family) settlements existing in the antiquity and in the Middle Ages gradually extended and transformed into polygenic (many-family) settlements, so that the transition from the kinship principle of settlement to the communal settlement of the neighborhood type was observed.
Simultaneously, there was the transition from small one-hearth dwellings to large many-hearth dwellings, and the inverse transition from large many-room houses to smaller dwellings could be observed later, indicating the process of setting apart small individual families.
The remainders of burials also tell about the transition from the individual to collective burials, with the inverse transition to separate burials observed later.
The emergence of on-surface burial constructions (mausoleums) named after particular princes and ancestors, indicates the formation of feudal relations and pronounced social stratification. The significant development of feudal relations is also indicated by Karachai-Balkarian towers, fortresses and castles named after their owners: Abayev, Balkarukov, Shakmanov, Shchiakhanov and others. The early fortifications of the communal phase gradually descended to the settlements in the plain. Like in the other regions of Caucasus, this indicates that feudal relations strongly penetrated the common life of the society.
Karachai-Balkarian society had a rather strict hierarchical structure: the princes (taubi) stood on the topmost level, free peasants (uzden) occupied a lower level, independent peasants (kara-kishi) were just below them, followed by bond peasants (chagar) and the people deprived of any property at all (kukla, karauash). Those born from a marriage with a peasant woman were called "chanka".

Töre, the national institute of self-government

We have mentioned the Töre institute many times already. It was an original people's forum, or court, regulating all the life and activity in Balkaria and Karachai. It consisted of democratically elected representatives of all the estates. In the head of Töre, there was an elected most authoritative prince. Similar Töres were and in every individual Balkarian community, and the Supreme Töre supervised the whole Balkaria. Subordinated to the head of this Töre, the Supreme Ruler, Oli (Vali), there were messengers informing the whole Balkaria about decisions made. Also, there was a military detachment, consisting of separate groups of warriors, brought in by each princes. Warriors assembled in the places called Basiat kosh. There they were had military training, trick riding and so on. Special detachments guarded the boundaries of Balkaria and went to fight for the native land by the order of Oli.
Töre considered all the criminal and civil issues, pronounced the punishment, legalized new customs and rites. Thus, Töre was a state institution, as well as an organ of law and self-government in Balkaria. The representatives of Karachai and Digoria used to come to Balkarian Töre for discussing their most important problems.
The name of the Töre institute came from the ancient Turk word "tör" meaning "law", "custom". The word "tör" also means "honor" in Karachai-Balkarian.
On the sessions of Töre, the sentences for various wrongdoing were pronounced. Those convicted were quite often subject to one of the most shameful punishments, when the guilty person was tied to the "stone of shame", "Nalat tash", which was usually mounted in the most crowded place of aul, and each passer-by expressed his contempt to the condemned. Such stones were known in Upper Balkaria, in aul Mukhol, in Upper Chegem, in medieval settlement Kris-kam in the Baksan canyon. The photo of one of the "stones of shame" of Upper Chegem is exhibited in the exposition of Nalchik museum of local lore.

The social institutes of the common law

Various social institutes occupied an important place in the general system of common law at Balkarians and Karachais. Kinship relations were of special value among them. Foster-brotherhood was quite usual between the people not tied by actual consanguinity. Such people gave their children to their adopted brothers from the early age, so that they were brought up in their houses.
In the house of adopted brother, such children were treated as foster-brothers drinking the milk of the same mother. The mother was called "Emchek ana" ("milk mother"), and the son was called "Emchek ulan" ("milk son"). The whole institute was called by the common Turk word "Atalik", i. e. "Fatherhood". Ibn-Fadlan, scientist and traveler of the 20s of X century, noted the existence of such institute at Volga Bulgarians. The name of this institute became widely known in the languages of many peoples. Many Kabardin and Balkarian princes and peasants gave their children to the families of their friends in Balkaria or Kabarda, thus strengthening the friendship and mutual respect of the two peoples.
One more as beautiful institute of social relations was the habit of "kunakship"(3)
, taking its name from the common Turk word "konak", "guest". Kunakship, or hospitality, has been an integral part of the spiritual wealth of the peoples of Caucasus since long ago. The guest was considered as a person almost sacred, he was given all the best the owner of the house had. This feature of Caucasians was noted by many European scientists and travelers of XIIIXIX centuries. One could recall the example of Balkarian prince Pulad (Bolat), who dared to refuse to Timur himself demanding to give away the guest, Golden-Horde emir Uturku. The literature on Caucasus is replete with such examples.
Such social terms, widely known in the ethnography of Caucasian peoples, as "atalik", "kunakship", "uzden", as well as the names of clothes, weapons and many others, illustrate the significant influence of Karachai-Balkarian ethnosocial culture on the neighboring peoples.

1 The names translated just approximately
2 So in the original.
3 Russian "kunachestvo"